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F&L Blog Launch Announcement

Blog Launch: Fascism and Liberalism - Yesterday and Today

Solveig Degen, Maie Klingenberg & Andreas Novy

31.07.2025

One hundred years ago, Austro-Hungarian economist Karl Polanyi witnessed the collapse of liberal democracies and the rise of fascism in Europe – a development which he famously analyzed in The Great Transformation. Following the onset of the Great Depression in 1929, economic liberalism was on the defensive. The widespread belief that laissez-faire capitalism and the prevailing property relations were without alternative had crumbled after the experience of far-reaching state interventions during World War I. Moreover, the assertiveness of a revolutionary workers’ movement, including its vision of democratic control over production via workers’ councils and the tools of economic planning left the propertied classes in distress. However, not socialist but fascist ideas eventually gained the upper hand in the 1930s in different parts of Europe. Commenting on these developments, Karl Polanyi remarked in 1944[i]:  

 “Planning and control are being attacked as a denial of freedom […]. Yet the victory of fascism was made practically unavoidable by the liberals’ obstruction of any reform involving planning, regulation, or control” – Karl Polanyi 1944, p. 265 

In her acclaimed 2022 book The Capital Order[ii], Clara Mattei shows how austerity served as a key tool for enabling this broader regime change. In the 1920s, austerity was imposed by democratic means in the UK, Germany, and Austria, creating socioeconomic conditions that ten years later were conducive to the rise of fascism. In Italy, however, it was only under fascist rule from 1922 onwards that the austerity agenda of economic liberalism could be implemented. These historical examples reveal a troubling pattern: A hundred years ago, sacrificing democracy and civic liberties to uphold economic orthodoxy seemed justifiable to important parts of the liberal elites. Today, similar anti-democratic dynamics can be observed, which raises urgent questions: Will today’s liberal elites once again forsake political equality and individual freedoms? And will they, once again, open the door to authoritarian, reactionary, and anti-democratic far-right movements? 

Historical analyses show that prominent thinkers of economic liberalism such as John Stuart Mill (1806–1873), Friedrich Hayek (1899–1992), and James M. Buchanan (1919–2013) shared a deep-seated mistrust of decisions made by societal majorities. Many of their beliefs were fundamentally anti-egalitarian, including the convictions that mass democracy endangers freedom and that state intervention is incompatible with market economies 
Today, the tensions between economic liberalism and democracy are becoming increasingly visible again: neoliberal policies driving privatization and marketization have undermined the capacity of states to address urgent societal challenges, such as widening social inequalities and accelerating climate breakdown. Donald Trump’s administration of neoliberals, billionaires, racists and sexists is taking these anti-public strategies even further, providing a prime example of how economic liberalism and fascism are entangled in protecting societal hierarchies, capital interests, and neo-colonial structures. Despite evident ideological contradictions, unlikely alliances between nationalist figures such as Trump and anarcho-capitalists such as Javier Milei and Peter Thiel appear to flourish.
 
In Europe, we see striking parallels: In early 2025, a potential coalition between the Austrian far-right FPÖ, and the conservative ÖVP was endorsed by the representative of the Federation of Austrian Industries, despite the open challenge of the FPÖ “people’s chancellor” Herbert Kickl of key political and civic liberties, social rights founded in the institutions of liberal democracy, and the welfare state. Whereas the negotiations failed at the last second, an austerity discourse continues to dominate public debate in Austria. In Italy, the ministry of education under post-fascist Giorgia Meloni wants to turn highschoolers’ history curriculum into an appraisal of Western civilization including apologetic and distorted representations of World War II and European imperialism. A few weeks ago, the proposal to grant Italian citizenship to diligent pupils demonstrated chillingly how closely the neoliberal myth of meritocracy and eugenics lie together. All the while, the complete annihilation of civilian life in Gaza is tolerated and, in some cases, actively supported by liberal democracies such as Germany, which continues to authorize arms deliveries to Israel. 
 

With this new blog, we, the International Karl Polanyi Society (IKPS) aim to further investigate and improve our understanding of the relationship between fascism and economic liberalism, both historically and in the present day. Publishing weekly pieces on this topic from key scholars in the field, we aim to contribute to the broader discussion on the rise of contemporary reactionary far-right movements. The blog will provide a platform for discussing central questions such as: What is the connection between austerity and fascism? How do the intellectual foundations of (neo-)liberalism and fascism converge, and what are tensions and contradictions? What has been the role of neoliberal thinkers in furthering far right agendas? And, in the words of Karl Polanyi, is the rise of current far-right movements again “made practically unavoidable by the liberals’ obstruction of any reform involving planning, regulation, or control”? 

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i Polanyi, K. (2001). The great transformation: The political and economic origins of our timeBeacon Press. (Original work published 1944) 

ii Mattei, C. E. (2022). The capital order: How economists invented austerity and paved the way to fascismUniversity of Chicago Press. 

Andreas Novy

Andreas Novy is is associate professor and head of the ISSET Institute at WU Vienna and president of the International Karl Polanyi Society (IKPS).

Maie Klingenberg is a research assistant at the ISSET Institute at WU Vienna working on the democratization and deprivatization of provisioning systems.

Solveig Degen is a PhD student at the Centre for Social Critique in Berlin working on the socialisation of public services.